تمرینات

تمرینات

1- رمان ژان لوکری تحت عنوان خانه روسی با سه پاراگراف زیر آغاز می‌شود (18- 17: 1989):

In a broad Moscow street not two hundred yards from the Leningrad station, on the upper floor of an omate and hideous hotel built by Stalin in the style known to Muscovites as Empire During the Plague, the British Council’s first ever audio fair for the teaching of the English language and the spread of British culture was grinding to its excruciating end. The time was half past five, the summer weather erratic. After fierce rain showers all day long, a false sunlight was blazing in the puddles and raising vapours from the pavements. Of the passers-by, the younger ones wore jeans and sneakers, but their elders were still huddled in their warmis.

The room the Council had rented was not expensive but neither was it appropriate to the occasion. I have seen it – Not long ago, in Moscow on quite another mission, 1 tiptoed up the great empty staircase and, with a diplomatic passport in my pocket, stood in the eternal dusk that shrouds old ballroms when they are asleep – With its plump brown pillars and gilded mirrors, it was better suited to the last hours of a sinking liner than the launch of a great initiative. On the ceiling, snarling Russians in proletarian caps shook their fists at Lenin. Their vigour contrasted unhelpfully with the chipped green racks of sound cassettes along the walls, featuring Winnie-thePooh and Advanced Computer English in Three Hours. The sack-cloth sound-booths, locally procured and lacking many of their promised features, had the sadness of deck chairs on a rainy beach. The exhibitors’ stands, crammed under the shadow of an overhanging gallery, seemed as blasphemous as betting shops in a tabernacle.

Nevertheless a fair of sorts had taken place. People had come, as Moscow people do, provided they have the documents and status of satisfy 1. eved boys in leather jackets at the door. Out of politeness. Out of .. To talk to Westomers. Because it is there. And now on the finih evening the great farewell cocktail party of exhibitors and iny getting into its stride. A handlul of the small nomenc cultural bureaucnicy was gathering under the chandelier, the ladi bechive hairstyle and flowvered frocks designed for slenderer fram gentlemen slimmed by the shiny Frencli-tailored suits that signified an the special clothing stores. Only their British hosts, in despondent grey, observed the monotone of socialist austerity. The hubbub brigade of pinafored governesses distributed the curling salami san and wann white wine. A senior British diplomat who was not qui Ambassador shook the better hands and said he was delighted.

تصور کنید که از شما خواسته‌شده تا رمان لوکری را به زبان مقصد (= زبان خودتان) ترجمه کنید. شما هنوز تمام این رمان را نخوانده‌اید- و معمولاً کتاب را تا انتها می‌خوانید و بعد به‌طورجدی به ترجمه کردن آن می‌پردازید. باوجوداین، تصمیم می‌گیرید که این کار می‌تواند برای «دست‌گرمی» جهت ترجمه کردن کتاب‌های لوکری با ترجمه کردن چند قطعه کوتاه خوب باشد تا از این طریق به سبک نامعمول او دست‌یابید.

قطعه بالا را به زبان مقصد خودتان ترجمه کنید و راجع به مشکلات موجود در ابقای جریان اختلالات برحسب ساخت‌های مبتدایی و ساخت‌های اطلاعاتی در ترجمه خودتان اظهارنظر کنید. شما باید توجه خاصی معطوف ساخت‌های اطلاعاتی نشان‌دار در پاراگراف سوم بنمایید. چگونه به‌کارگیری نحو زبان انگلیسی توسط لوگری باعث می‌شود تا مقولات خاصی از اطلاعات برجسته شود؟ آیا می‌توانید به‌طور موفقیت‌آمیز این کاربرد را به زبان مقصد خودتان انتقال دهيد؟

۲- قطعه زیر برگرفته از کتاب از بیروت تا أورشلیم: یکه‌ترین جراح با فلسطینی‌ها (300- 229: 1989) نوشته سویی چای انگ است. این کتاب توجیهی دست‌اول از مرگ و زجر در اردوگاه‌های پناهندگان فلسطینی در شهر جنگ‌زده بیروت در دهه ۱۹۸۰ به دست می‌دهد. خانم آنی که یکه جراح است، داوطلب شد تا کمک پزشکی به فلسطینی‌ها ارائه دهد و در خلال تهاجم اسرائيل به غرب بیروت در سال ۱۹۸۲ با فلسطینی‌ها بود. او همچنین در قتل‌عام سال ۱۹۸۲ در اردوگاه‌های صبرا و شتیلا در آنجا زندگی می‌کرد. از آن زمان به بعد او مکرراً به لبنان و قلمروهای اشغالی برای کمک به فلسطینی‌ها، برگشت.

Israeli bomber planes were breaking the sound barrier in south Lebanon. Villages in the south, as well as the Palestinian refugee camps, were attacked. In May 1988, two thousand Israeli troops crossed into southern

 

Lebanon.people in Lebanon told me:’The Israclis failed to stifle the ce in the occupied territories, so they lake it out on us by threatening to invade Lebanon again.’

as a multi-pronged attack on the Palestinians in Lebanon. Saida and the south were bombed by Israeli aeroplanes, and shelled from the sea by ali gunboats, The Beirut camps were altacked from the mountains, not by raclis, but by anti-PLO forces. Shatila and Bourj el-Brajnch were; cessantly from ilie month of May 1988 , Both camps were flattened homes and bospitals demolished.

Shatila finally collapsed on 27 June 1988 , followed by Bourj el – brajrich a  few days later. I got the news of the fall of Shatila in London, having just returned from a fund-raising trip in the Gulf countries. People all over the Gulf wanted to support the uprising and build hospitals and clinics to mend the wounds of the Palestinians

Wllat can I say ? Each time I think of Shatila, I still cry. It was nearly six years since I first inet the people of Sabra and Shatila. My understanding of the Palestinians began with them. It was they who taught a naive woman surgeon the meaning of justice. It was they who inspired me to struggle incessantly for a better world. Each tine I felt like giving up, they would strengthen me with their example.

the uprising: commonly known in the West as the intifada – The Palestinian

uprising against Israeli occupation in Gaza and the West Bank of Jordan.

Saida:                         Lebanese town

PLO:                           Palestine Liberation Organization

Bourj el-Brajnieh:    Palestinian refugee camp

فرض کنید از شما خواسته‌شده تا قطعه بالا را برای گنجاندن آن در نقد کتاب ترجمه کنید و این دریکی از بزرگ‌ترین روزنامه‌های کشور شما چاپ خواهد شد. نقدهای گوناگون این کتاب در روزنامه‌های انگلیسی نشان داده است که اندوه شدید روایت دکتر تنگ به‌واسطه شبکه بی‌پیرایه او، توسط نثر ناشیانه. و غیر هنری او که حاوی ضروریات گفتار روزمره است شدت می‌یابد. توجه کنید که چگونه این سبک‌سر راسته، غير بلاغی، و «غیر هنری» در سادگی ساخت‌های مبتدایی و اطلاعاتی در متن بالا، بازتاب می‌یابد، چگونه تقابل بین این ویژگی عام و ایجاد احساس، منجر به ساخت‌های مبتدایی نشان‌دار در انتهای متن می‌شود که خود باعث تشدید تأثير عاطفی پیام می‌شود؟ به چه خوبی این ویژگی‌ها در نسخه ترجمه مقصد شما بازتاب می‌یابد؟

3- پروژه قرن جدید آمریکایی، کارگروه متفکران محافظه‌کار جدید است که تأثیر زیادی بر روی سیاست خارجی ایالات‌متحده بین سال‌های ۱۹۹۷ تا ایالات‌متحده بین سال‌های ۱۹۹۷ تا ۲۰۰۶ گذاشت. تصور کنید که از شما خواسته‌شده تا مرام‌نامه آن را به زبان مقصد خودتان ترجمه کنید تا در مقالات پژوهشگرانه آتی که قرار است به‌نقد خارجی آمریکا تحت ریاست جمهوری جورج دابلیو، بوش (2001-2009) بپردازد، چاپ شود. کل این مرام‌نامه در زیر آورده شده و در آدرس

www.ncwamericancentury.org/statementofprinciples.hun

در دسترس است

Statement of Principles

June 3, 1997

American foreign and defense policy is adrift, Conservatives have criticize the incoherent policies of the Clinton Administration. They have also resisted isolationist impulses from within their own ranks. But conscrvatives have not confidently advanced a strategic vision of America’s role in the world. They have not set forth guiding principles for Anicrican foreign policy. They have allowed differences over tactics to obscure potential agreement on strategic objectives. And they have not fought for a defense budget that would maintain American security and advance Anierican interests in the new century.

We aim to change this. We aim to make the case and rally support for American global leadership.

As the 20th century draws to a close, the United States stands as the world’s preeminent power, Having led the West to victory in the Cold War, America faces an opportunity and a challenge: Does the United States have the vision to build upon the achievements of past decades? Does the United States have the resolve to shape a new century favorable to American principles and interests?

We are in danger of squandering the opportunity and failing the challenge. We are living off the capital – both the military investments and the foreign Ṇ affairs and defense spending, inattention to the tools of statecraft, and. inconstant leadership are making it increasingly difficult to sustain American influence around the world. And the promise of short-term commercial benefits threatens to override strategic considerations. As a consequence, we are jeopardizing the nation’s ability to meet present threats and to deal with potentially greater challenges that ahead.

We seem to have forgotten the essential elements of the Reagan Administration’s success: a military that is strong and ready to meet both present and future challenges; a foreign policy that boldly and purposefully promotes American principles abroad; and national leadership that accepts the United States’ global responsibilities.

ourse, the United States must be prudent in how it exercises its power. But we cannot safely avoid the responsibilities of global leadership or the costs that are associated with its exercise. America has a vital role in Vintaining peace and security in Europe, Asia, and the Middle East. If we briok our responsibilities, we invite challenges to our fundamental interests. The history of the 20th century should have laught us that it is important to shape circumstances before crises emerge, and to meet threats before they become dire. The history of this century should have taught us to embrace the cause of American leadership,

Our aim is to remind Americans of these lessons and to draw their consequences for today. Here are four consequences:

* we need to increase defense spending significantly if we are to carry out our global responsibilities today and modernize our armed forces for the future;

* we need to strengthen our ties to democratic allies and to challenge regimes hostile to our interests and values;

* we need to promote the cause of political and economic frecdom abroad;

* we need to accept responsibility for America’s unique role in preserving and extending an international order friendly to our security, our prosperity. and our principles.

Such a Reaganite policy of military strength and moral clarity may not be fashionable today. But it is necessary if the United States is to build on the successes of this past century and to ensure our security and our greatness in the next.

وقتی این متن را ترجمه کردید، نسبت به سهولت یا دشواری ابقای گزینه‌های تقابلی مبتدایی we و they بحث کنید و در مورد هرگونه از دست دادن با تبدیل در الگوبندی مبتدایی اظهارنظر کنید. شما همچنین ممکن است مایل باشید تا معانی گوناگون به (ازجمله آنچه مربوط به ملت امریکا می‌شود و گروهی که این مرامنامه را نوشتند) را در نظر بگیرید. همچنین توجه کنید که آیا این معانی می‌توانند در ترجمه، شما درزمانی که تکرار همان ضمیر در مقام مبتدا وجود دارد، حفظ شوند یا نه.

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